Showing posts with label militarization. Show all posts
Showing posts with label militarization. Show all posts

Tuesday, August 26, 2014

On Racism, Ferguson and a Widening National Divide


I'm a white gal and I am now speaking to the other white folk , who post comments around the web such as "it's not a race problem, it's a sin problem".

Isn't racism a 'sin'?  And do we not have a duty to address our collective sins as much as our individual ones?  And does not changing the language from 'racism' to 'sin' make it really be about nothing - as in, if it's about nothing, it requires nothing to change?

My point is this - when it's about my sin (and racism is about my collective sin) it's my job to stop it, change it, confess it, rather than to rename it, jump into the 'we're all sinners pool' and grab my automatic forgiveness token.  That is what Bonhoeffer (rightly, I think) would call cheap grace.

And when we white folk speak about due process, about 'getting all the facts', about looting and rioting, I want to gently suggest that perhaps we are trying to change the subject, for it is indeed a painful one.  Might we white folk not better spend our time in what others have challenged us to do -- to listen and to learn?

I cannot speak to the experience of someone in whose shoes I have not walked if I do not take the time to listen.

There's a video going round (sorry, don't have the link) of a young black teenager in Ferguson - he's writing protest in chalk on a gas station's pump when a young adult black man speaks to him, challenging him to not do it with chalk (it disappears) and not do it there (defacing the property of another).

The young man makes a sign, joins the protest and the question he's written on his sign haunts me, as it should, "Am I next?"

If a police officer kills a young white man, the fact is that justified or unjustified, necessary or excessive, the question will rise and fall on its own merits, BECAUSE our society can and does take it as a given that he was NOT killed because he is white.

The facts of this case will develop over time in the ways of due process.  BUT we are not allowed, I would posit, as white folk, to dismiss our history as if it has no bearing.  It does.  And that history continues today.

The privilege that I enjoy as a white woman is that I don’t have to think about giving my son THE TALK.  But I should have -- my son is of mixed race and he paid a dear price for my own ignorant assumptions.

And regardless of the facts as they continue to develop, based on what we do know -- a young unarmed black man was shot and shot at repeatedly (as in shoot to kill) – should we not as a society be pondering why we have allowed a situation where our keepers of the peace (now more popularly referred to as law enforcement officers) are moving away from policing and towards soldiering?

That our laws allow and condone and thus encourage deadly force against a person who is not a deadly threat simply because one is a law enforcement officer?  How we don't account for adrenaline pumping bad judgment when we put one officer alone on patrol with no one not only to back him up, but also to check him and his judgment?

How we white folk by and large aren't even willing to consider, let alone talk about, the factor of race in the snap decisions police officers are required to make and how we can counter that?  (read Malcolm Gladwell's book 'Blink' and one of its later chapters on the police killing of an unarmed man in New York and how their fears and prejudices could make them mistake his body motions as indicative of having a gun where a different context - ie, a different neighborhood, a man of different color - would have led to a different and less deadly, result).

How we presume that it is necessary for our populace and our police to be armed?  How things are handled differently when guns aren't in the mix?  (as in, why wouldn't one grown man in a conflict with another, even if the accounts which favor the officer are true, simply wait in his car and call for assistance in order to avoid the conflict turning deadly?)  As in, why wouldn't the one with the gun back down if his only other option were to kill another human being?

A justified shoot is one thing.  The cost to everyone of the loss of this human being is quite another.

I still have lots of listening and learning to do.  What strikes me now that we white folk seem to be missing entirely is that this isn't about (or not primarily about) whether the technical legal requirements were present or not for a so-called justified shoot.  It's about the violent loss of yet another young person of color who happened to be male when it didn't have to be that way.  It's about mourning.  It's about the anger that for someone like me, that day was just another day on planet earth, while for my friends of color, it was and is the same -- just another day -- but our days are so very different that it hardly bears the comparison.

That is not as it should be.  And I dare not pretend otherwise.

Time will perhaps reveal whether a police officer’s actions on a day in August in Ferguson, Missouri were legally justified or not.  But a young man is dead and that fact will cost the officer as well as the young man’s family, friends, neighborhood and society and it didn’t have to be that way.

When mistakes of judgment borne out of fear resulting in death occur, perhaps we would do well not to rush to make heroic that which is merely tragic.  And we might all listen a little more.  Including me.


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NOTE 1   I am, as I said at the outset, white.  I have many police officer friends.  It is a job I do not envy and would not have.  My own father, a long-time investigator in our local Prosecuting Attorney’s office, considered himself a policeman, a law enforcement officer, if you will.  In my lawyer days, I prosecuted and defended against claims of police brutality.  I hope I have made clear here that I do not intend to comment on the legal proceedings involving the killing of Michael Brown.  I presume these facts to be common, public knowledge: (1) Michael Brown was young, he was black, he was physically large and he was unarmed.  (2) Darren Wilson, who is white, was acting as a police officer at the time he shot Michael Brown.  (3) Darren Wilson was armed with a gun in his capacity as a police officer.  (3) the killing happened in daylight hours on a city street.  (4) there was a conflict between the two while Officer Wilson was inside his police cruiser which may have been instigated by Officer Wilson or by Michael Brown.  And (5) Michael Brown was shot multiple times.  And I presume that Officer Wilson was no more right than he was wrong in his actions merely because he is a police officer.

NOTE 2   See this link to a BBC interview of an African American police woman from the St. Louis area.  Read her comments about fear-based responses and how we’re failing to talk about that.  And note the photograph of police officers dressed in the camouflage fatigues of soldiers, wearing gas masks and kitted out in full military combat dress as they confront a civilian on the streets of Ferguson.  Then ask yourself how Wall Street (who has way more looters than any street in Ferguson) would react to the appearance of tanks and soldiers in front of their offices requiring them to fall to their knees and prove their good intentions on command.  The militarization of police nation-wide is something that has happened without national discussion or decision and now seems to be taken as a given.  And understand that police philosophy is that if, as an officer, you are going to unholster your gun, it is because you are prepared to shoot to kill and it is supposed to be your last option.  Then consider that when adrenaline is pumping, when you’re angry and most likely scared, just how able you are to make the best decision in the situation.  And then consider the question of race.  Because the question, perhaps, is not whether the officer was fearful.  The question is whether he would have been as fearful, as adrenaline-pumped, as angry, had the young man he confronted been white or simply not black.  And then, if you are white, ask yourself if you might answer those questions differently if you were a black person raised in these United States?  Maybe that will help us listen a little better from the other side of the racial divide.

NOTE 3   Today on FaceBook, there was a picture of some KKK members coming to Ferguson to protest on behalf of the officer.  The tag for the picture went something like, “now do you understand it’s about race?”  It caught my eye particularly because of recent experience in the Presbyterian Church (USA), of which I am a member, in its stance relative to divesting from certain companies doing business in Israel-Palestine in ways that advance Israel’s occupation of the Palestinian territories.  As one might imagine, the church’s decision has been a controversial one.  But when David Duke, a former high-up in the KKK, came out in support of the decision, those on the other side of the question cited Mr. Duke’s support as evidence of the church’s anti-Semitism (as in we are known by the company we keep).  I reject that principle when it comes to my church and I reject it here: the police of Ferguson, MO, did not invite or encourage the presence of the KKK and their presence no more indicates that these police officers are racists than David Duke’s statements indicate that the PC(USA) is anti-Semitic.  But maybe I’m missing something.

NOTE 4   Thousands peacefully protest and the news reports virtually nothing of it.  A few loot and it is the headline of the day.  If you are white, ponder that reality as you grapple with police interactions with people of color.  I like to think that the cops I know are reflective of most police officers -- people simply doing their jobs the best they're able, equally respectful of those they encounter regardless of race.  But one bad cop, like one looter, gets a disproportionate amount of attention and poisons the well of perception for many.  If your store was looted, chances are all you would think about would be the looters.  If your son or daughter were wrongfully stopped or harassed, chances are that would paint the picture for you of all police.  Do you see how it works?  If all you're seeing as a white person is looting, you're closer in experience to the black people of Ferguson than you might like to think and maybe you can understand their feelings a bit better.  The big difference is that looters get taken away.  Police officers who based their behavior on race generally don't.

Monday, April 15, 2013

It's Tax Day: A Lament


It’s April 15, the deadline in the United States for the filing of individual tax returns and the annual settling of accounts between the citizenry and its government.

At heart, I am a tax protestor.  Not because I don’t want to pay nor because I quibble with the stewardship of our monies (both are true of me but not my primary motivator when it comes to federal taxes).

Rather, I am a pacifist work-in-progress (daily failing to live up to my own ideal).  Thus do I begrudge the military dollars we as a nation spend.

When the war waged against the people of Iraq was in high gear, AFSC (American Friends Service Committee) had a white paper that noted the amount of the US federal budget dedicated to military spending: 42 cents of every tax dollar.

Today I received an e-mail from Peace Action, which states in part, “As we file our taxes, fifty-seven cents of every dollar spent in the annual discretionary budget feeds the Pentagon.”

It may be a question of wording.  I certainly hope so.  I hope that the already large proportion of federal tax dollars dedicated to the military has not increased in the last ten years.

Logic would dictate that it’s far cheaper to not be engaged in war than to be.  And the US maintains that it is no longer engaged in war in Iraq and is winding down its involvement in Afghanistan.

If this is true, why would the Pentagon require yet more of the federal pie, both in raw dollars and in the percentage of the total?

Presumably, the replacement of the materials of war has been an on-going effort since 2002, so it’s not as if we must start from scratch to replace tanks and planes and bullets expended in Iraq and Afghanistan, for surely most of that work has already been done.

I suspect that what is happening is an ever-increasing remit to the military: in addition to the protection of our borders and the nefarious protection of ‘our interests’ abroad, the big money is going to things like drones, satellite surveillance, spy planes, cyber war, and whatever else anyone employed there can imagine.

Who is left to quantify the cost-benefit of the spending of these monies?

Decades ago, as he left office (shame on him for not doing something about it when he actually had the power to), then President Eisenhower warned the nation to beware of the power of the military-industrial complex.  It was an important warning and one that we as a people have continued to ignore.

It’s difficult to cut back on military bases and civilian contracts to the military sector not only because of the felt need for protection but also because the people of the nation have come to have a vested interest in their continuation by way of jobs and aid to local economies.

Prior to WWII, we were largely a nation that ramped up production of military hardware as and when needed for direct conflict rather than in anticipation thereof.  This approach helped significantly to minimize our felt need for what these industries provide.

But now, if my job is dependent upon this industry, of course I will perceive the industry as ‘essential’.  It’s almost impossible to argue against my own economic interests.  And it’s equally hard to hear any challenge on the moral front to these activities when that’s how I make my living.

Military production is a moral as well as economic compromise.  And it is costly.

And thus I am left to wonder at my more conservative Christian friends, who all too often in my view, rush to the naming of personal sin as the root cause of attacks against and the sufferings of us as a nation, but are troublingly silent in naming our collective sins, such as the sins of national hubris or pride, our collective violation of the commandments against killing another, coveting what another has, stealing (or taking by force, which is the same thing, really) from another, and failing to tell the truth, all of which we do through the offices of our military adventures around the world.

It’s tax day and I am a coward.  Thus like most of us, I will pay Caesar more than what Caesar is owed, because I am not prepared to go to prison not to.

It is tax day and my hands and my conscience too are bloody.



Wednesday, May 25, 2011

If Someone Could Only Hear One Word From You . . .

        If someone could only hear one word from you ever, what would that word be?  I'm guessing it would be 'love' or 'friend' or 'God' or something similar.
        Why, then, I wonder, is so much of our speech filled with the words 'hate' and 'war' and 'combat' and 'troops' and 'hurt'.
        Why is it so much easier to say 'I hurt' than to say 'I love'?
        Even in community-driven events like Relay for Life, our language is filled with the words of combat, perhaps understandable when what is opposed is something as formidable as cancer.  But does it make sense that volunteers are referred to as troops and that military imagery filled the air yesterday in my own community's Relay event?
        Language matters.  Linguists tell us again and again that our words not only reflect our understanding of things; words actually shape our understanding of things.  Professional propagandists have understood this for centuries.

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        Try this exercise for a week:  keep a log or just a piece of scrap paper with you and jot down every reference you speak or hear that uses the language of violence and war to refer to something other than actually being in a fight with some one or some nation.  (Example:  'I hate fish', to mean 'I do not like the taste of fish').  If you want to make it more interesting, add a column for when those engaged in violence or the 'business' of war use other words to disguise what they're actually talking about (example:  'collateral damage' to mean 'civilian dead').
        I have done no formal studies, but a few observations of interest:  (1)  the more violent we are in war, the less likely we are to name what we're actually doing in that war; (2)  the more engaged we are as a nation in violent conflict or war, the more the language of violent conflict and war creeps into everyday usage (so that volunteers suddenly become 'troops'); and (3)  for some reason which escapes me, we the people of these United States (I can't speak to other countries on this) are absolutely unwilling to accept that there is any connection between the violence and militarization of our language and the violence and militarization of our behavior as adults, even while stressing the importance that our children hear words of love from us and helping our children develop coping strategies to deal with the harmful effects of hurtful language from the playground.

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        It is my hope at the end of the week, you'll come away with new awareness about the words inside and around you and with new commitment to emphasize the language of peace and reconciliation rather than the language of militarization and war and violence.